THE GIST of Editorial for UPSC Exams : 29 June 2020 What Kabul Needs(Indian Express)
What Kabul Needs(Indian Express)
Mains Paper 2: International Relations
Prelims level: India- Afghanistan relations
Mains level: Bilateral, regional and global groupings and agreements involving India and/or affecting India’s interests
Context:
- US Special Envoy for Afghan Reconciliation, Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad called for India’s direct engagement with the Taliban — has created polarizing waves in New Delhi.
- The fact that hardly anyone questioned the premise of his proposal shows the new normal in a Trumpian world.
- The proposal is being debated between proponentsof Khalilzad’s suggestion and sceptics arguing its pros and cons for India.
Proposals and Sceptics:
- Evident in the justifications offered by the proponents is the fatalismthat a takeover by the Taliban is inevitable, and hence, the utility of appeasing the new victor.
- Khalilzad’s proposal has also benefited from an entrencheddeference to Western authority/wisdom among a segment of Indian pundits and policy-makers.
- On the other hand, the sceptics draw attention to the complexity and arduous nature of the Afghan conflict.
- They argue the need for Delhi to stand its ground in supporting the post-2001 constitutional order — an order that can accommodate the Taliban as a non-violent political stakeholder.
- The sceptics are not against talking with the Taliban per se, but they see little value in engaging with a group that remains fully under Pakistan’s tutelage.
- In line with Delhi’s stated policy of supporting an Afghan-led process, the sceptics recommend following the Afghan government’s lead in engaging with the Taliban.
Manufacturing reality:
- The Doha agreement between the Taliban and the US has effectively changed the status of the post-2001 constitutional order from “at the table” to an “on the table” new reality.
- Former Republican strategist’s description of US behaviour can shed light on US’s capacity to manufacture a new reality to suit its interests: “We’re an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality.
- And while you’re studying that reality — judiciously, as you will — we’ll act again, creating other new realities, which you can study too, and that’s how things will sort out.”
- This imperial entitlement is often supported by other elements.
Pakistan, an ally to US:
- If Israel is a key ally of the US, and Iran the chief trouble-maker for Washington in West Asia, Pakistan has been both an Israel and an Iran for the US in South Asia.
- Pakistan has been the centrepiece of the US’s South Asia engagement, despite occasional rhetorical admonition and half-baked sanctions.
- Months before the Soviet intervention in 1979, Washington joined Pakistan in supporting the Mujahideen in toppling the Afghan government through Operation Cyclone.
- In 2004, Pakistan was recognised as “major non-Nato ally” of the US.
- Concurrently, major Afghanistan-related political, security and defence decisions were made to appease Pakistan’s concerns. These include:
- downsizing the Afghan National Security and Defence Forces to a paramilitary force,
- promoting pro-Pakistan officials within the Afghan government and defence/security sectors,
- limiting India’s role to just a large NGO, and;
- projecting the Taliban as an independent nationalistic insurgency.
Three Pillars:
- Afghanistan will be at peace if and when there are a set of three mutually reinforcing pillars.
- sustainable state to provide decent public goods to its citizens;
- inclusive democratic governance; and;
- a supportive environment to protect Afghanistan’s status as a connector of competing external interests rather than a battlefield for proxies.
- A coherent peace process should be based on the four pillars of development, democracy, defence and diplomacy.
- Inclusivity has to be recognised as a cross-cutting principle, coupled with a primary role for Afghan ownership and ensuing Afghan responsibility.
Way forward for India:
- India should play an active role in articulating and promoting a process that leaves Afghanistan at peace.
- Despite its structural flaws, the post-2001 constitutional order has the capacity and legitimacy to become the basis for an inclusive peace process.
- India must come up with ideas and structures in the fields of development, politics, security and diplomacy.
- India can and should champion an inclusive, multifaceted and Kabul-centric peace process.
Conclusion:
- In a COVID-19-afflicted world and with a looming US presidential election, the aforementioned framework would attract the charge of naivetyand idealism.
- However, the alternative would result in an Afghanistan in pieces.
- The Afghanistan of 1990s and today’s Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen are vivid examples of myopicand partisan policies.
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Prelims Questions:
Q.1) With reference to the UN Public Service Day 2020, consider the following statements:
1. UN Public Service Day 2020 is being observed on June 23 to honour public servants in the COVID-19 pandemic response.
2. The prestigious UN Public Service Awards (UNPSA) are given away on this day by UNDP.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) Neither 1 nor 2
Answer: A
Mains Questions:
Q.1) Highlights thepolicies taken by India towards Afghanistan so far. Do you think there is a need of change in India’s Afghan policy? Comment.