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THE GIST of Editorial for UPSC Exams : 01 May 2020 (The making of the modern public intellectual (The Hindu))

The making of the modern public intellectual (The Hindu)

Mains Paper 4:Ethics
Prelims level: Not much
Mains level: Moral conscience of society

Context:

This article is based on fundamentals of a just law. Law is not the source of its own moral authority and legitimacy.

A setback to democracy:

Centuries later, M.K. Gandhi reiteratedthat a law is binding only if it satisfies the unwritten codes of public ethics. He spoke in the context of colonial rule. Surely democratic regimes ought to respect the right of citizens to dissent.
In today’s India, however, holders of state power refuse to tolerate ideas, reflection, debate, and discussion. Two years ago, the government arrestedeminent members of civil society on charges that were clearly produced by conspiratorial imaginations.
On April 14, two of India’s well-known scholars/activists, Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha, surrendered before the National Investigation Agency.
In early April, an FIR was filed by the Uttar Pradesh government against the editor of the news website, The Wire, Siddharth Varadarajan. The charges in these cases are flimsy. It is obvious that intellectuals are being penalised for taking on the government.

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Depressing commentary:

The arrests are a depressing commentaryon the nature of the present government. Sophisticatedsocieties respect intellectuals because they subject the present to historically informed investigation, interpretation, critique and prescription. This is integral to the idea of democratic politics as self-critique.
Politics establishes rules that govern multiple transactions of society. It cannot be its own defendant, judge and jury. If politics is, as Aristotle put it, the master science (science for Greeks is knowledge), it has to accept reflective and critical activity. Politics is too important to be left to politicians alone.
While authoritarian societies breedcourt historians, mature democracies appreciate critical scholarship. But today intellectualism is dismissed contemptuously as elitist. Not only does this attitude foster a culture of mediocrity, intellectuals who hold a mirror to the state are hounded and arrested. This is a setback to democracy, because it foreclosesengagement with structures of power. Without its public intellectuals, democracy slides into authoritarianism.

Dreyfus affair:

The first public intellectual was, of course, Socrates. The modern notion of the public intellectual is, however, fairly recent. It took shape in the tumultuousdays of what has come to be known as the ‘Dreyfus affair’ in France in 1894. Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish Army officer, had allegedly handed over important government documents to the Germans. He was convicted of treasonamidst a roar of revolting anti-Semitism.
When Dreyfus was stripped of his medals, the crowd shouted ‘Death to the Jew’. The atmosphere was charged, mob mentality ruled, and sanevoices were drowned in the din. Scholars, artists, and novelists could hardly keep away.
They had to summon their knowledge to reflect on citizens’ rights, the irrationalbehaviour of crowds, the ugly slogans that stereotypedan entire community, and the unholy gleewith which crowds watched the humiliation of an army officer.
The incident propelled Paris-based intellectuals into the mainstream of French politics. This was the time when scholars came out from their ivory towersand took sides, despite massive crowd hysteriathat broke boundsof civility.

Injustice, prejudice and intolerance:

Dreyfus was later exonerated,but the affair split the French intelligentsia wide open. Emile Zola wrote an open letter, J’Accuse, in support of the beleagueredarmy officer. Zola attacked injustice, prejudiceand intolerance.
He reserved for the intellectual the function that Socrates had reserved for the philosopher: stand by the universal in the quest for truth and in the fight against injustice. Julien Benda, a noted Jewish intellectual, argued that the duty of the intellectual is to defend universal values over and above the politics of the moment.

Commitment to truth, reason and justice:

But other scholars propagatedanti-Semitism. In 1942, the philosopher Hannah Arendt wrote an account of the anti-Semitism directed at Dreyfus by right-wing intellectuals in France.
Intellectuals who upheldRepublicanism and basic rights were too weak to confront the power of the mob. Mobs are fickle, their rhetoric is blood-curdling, they hate debate, detestinstitutions, and hero-worship leaders.
When intellectuals follow the mob or, worse, the leader, they pave the way for fascism, the destruction of institutions, the emergence of the hero, and pogromsof the minority. When intellectuals fail to live up to codes of public ethics, they uphold injustice.
Their commitment to truth, reason and justice lapses; they become partners in injustice.

Moral conscience of society:

The Dreyfus affairlegitimisedthe idea that a public intellectual has to denounce injustice despite the power of the mob. Since then it has been held that intellectuals are not defined by what they are — professors, writers, artists or journalists — but by what they do. Intellectuals have to be competent in their own field, otherwise they will not be taken seriously by anyone.
But there is more to being an intellectual. Scholars have to be public intellectuals. They have to cast their scholarly gaze(look) on issues that cause explosions, siftout the details, analyse, evaluate, and take a position. An intellectual has to be involved in public affairs.
Public intellectuals are the moral conscience of society, simply because they think. To think is to question, to call for freedom, and to invoke the right to disobey.
Our intellectuals have to be reflective, philosophical beings, philosophical in the sense that they think about issues, addresses contemporary social problems and see them as the legacies of previously unresolved issues of social injustice

In India:

It is precisely the unresolved issue of social injustice that has been taken up by Mr. Teltumbde, Mr. Navlakha and Mr. Varadarajan repeatedly and insistently. All three of them have battled the reproduction of injustice in their own ways.
Mr. Teltumbde is a fine chronicler of the injustice that has been heapedon the Dalit community. Mr. Navlakha has fiercelycastigatedviolations of civil liberties. And Mr. Varadarajan has exposed the horrific crimes committed by the merchants of hate.
None of them has advocatedviolence, none of them has asked the Indian people to revolt against the elected regime. All they ask for is that the provisions of the Constitution be honoured by our leaders.

Conclusion:

Leaders wield the scalpel, they ought to be the healers. Their touch should nurse the wounds in the body politic.
Public intellectuals are the conscience of our country. They should be respected because they speak out against injustice wherever it occurs, not be subjected to punitiveaction.

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Prelims Questions:

Q.1)With reference to the repo rate, consider the following statements:
1. The reverse repo rate is the rate at which the RBI lends money to the banking system (or banks) for short durations.
2. The repo rate is the rate at which banks can park their money with the RBI.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) Neither 1 nor 2